﻿WEBVTT

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Thank you very much.

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We would like to start our
presentation today, our paper

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today, by thanking Edith
and Pablo for inviting us.

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Also, since Ted started defending why
Dura, we want to do the same with Italica.

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Italica is nowadays still, not Italica,
but Sevilla is still considered a seaport.

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So, I think we fit correctly.

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It took us some time to figure it out.

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Also, we are very grateful because they
allow us to do a re-enactment of our Tueto

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presentations.

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Without further ado, I begin.

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The organizers of this conference invited
us to reflect on how individuals and

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groups manage cultural
differences in the conceptualization

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of and ritual communication
with the divine.

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They also encouraged
us to assess the diverse

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outcomes of this management
of cultural difference.

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Adopting a micro-historical approach
centered on individual and group actions.

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This is our theme.

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This is a theoretically ambitious and
complex approach.

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Closely connected, needless to say,
to a lived ancient religion.

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From this perspective, divine meetings can
also be understood as the result of

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individual actions that
brought different gods and

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divine powers together
within new religious contexts.

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Here we shall present the example of a
particular actor who has frequently been

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left out of these recent micro-historical
and individual approaches.

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The Emperor himself.

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The specific case we propose to SMI
concerns the divine meetings that took

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place in the Vatican city of Italica as a
consequence of its redesign and

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refoundation as a true ceremonial city
conceived by the Emperor Hadrian.

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The present action and creative capacity
of the Hispanic Emperor played a decisive

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role in devising the
exceptional architectural and

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urban context in which these
divine meetings took place.

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We start from the premise that the Emperor
as an individual should be reinstated in

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the debate so that his agency can be
reconsidered in light of the theoretical

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advances that lived
ancient religion in particular

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has brought to the
analysis of religious change.

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The Emperor possessed, in our view,
what we have termed elsewhere adult

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agency, understood metaphorically as a
form of individual action that structures

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the field within which other forms of
agency operate.

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This does not mean that the divine
meetings we shall describe did not involve

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other actors or that they
did not respond to and

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were not motivated by
local stimuli and traditions.

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The Emperor's capacity
for action was not

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qualitatively different from
that of other individuals.

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Rather, it was extraordinarily amplified
by the political, symbolic, and economic

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institutions that were attached to the
Imperial office.

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His ideas and words were not only more
effective because they carried a

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particular weight and authority,
but also because they traveled farther,

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reached almost everywhere, and lasted
longer than those of most individuals.

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As a result, imperial agency did not
simply coexist with the agency of others,

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but continuously shaped, channeled,
and transformed the world.

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In other words, they
constrained the conditions within

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which other religious actors
exercised their own agency.

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The importance of imperial agency in the
divine meetings that took place at Italica

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has already been brilliantly explored by
the chair of this panel, Jaime Albán,

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in his article El Panteón de Itanca,
where he concluded that, and I quote,

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everything fits within the
ideological construction

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of the empire promoted
by Hadrian, end of quote.

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To the reasons already put forward by
Albán to explain the presence of a

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particular group of deities in Hadrian's
hometown, we would like to add a factor

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that in our view was fundamental,
the urban and ritual context that we have

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termed the ceremonial city.

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As noted earlier, the
fundamental purpose of Hadrian's

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transformation of Italica was
to turn it into a ceremonial city.

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At the emperor's initiative, the city
became a center for religious festivals,

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devoted to the Roman gods and to the
emperors themselves.

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These celebrations included processions,
banquets, athletic competitions,

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theatrical performances, and lavish
gladiatorial games, attracting large

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numbers of visitors, from across Hispania
and beyond.

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This ceremonial function
explained the extraordinary

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scale and magnificence of
Hadrian's new urban design.

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Its principal elements were the great
temple of the imperial cult, the so-called

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triuneum, which we shall
return later, the broad

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avenues that served
as processional routes,

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the amphitheater, the baths
with their palestra, and the

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extensive remodeling of the
theater and its surrounding area.

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The scale and splendor
of these buildings far

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exceeded the needs of a
medium-sized provincial city.

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The population of perhaps...

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8,000 to 10,000 inhabitants.

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The colossal scale of these structures
suggests that Hadrian conceived his

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ceremonial Italica as
a palace of pilgrimage,

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intended to receive
large numbers of visitors.

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The luxurious phallic lighthouses built
during the Hadrianic enlargement further

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reinforced the impression
of a city designed to

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astonish through its
scale, luxury, and originality.

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This vast ceremonial project was supported
by substantial new urban infrastructure,

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a new land route, a new harbor,
a new sewer system, and a new water supply

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designed to serve the recently constructed
public buildings and houses.

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Hadrian's patria, also the birthplace of
his predecessor, Trajan, thus came to

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reflect the Roman state at the
height of its splendor and the

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broader project that Hadrian
was pursuing across the empire.

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This ceremonial urban design was by no
means unprecedented.

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It drew clear inspiration from models
developed in the Greco-Roman East,

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where cities such as Ephesus, Pergamon,
and Smyrna had already consolidated a

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close relationship between monumental
architecture, the imperial cult,

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and the celebration of festivals.

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At the same time, it can be argued that
the new Italica bears unique testimony to

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a century-long process of cultural
hybridization across the Mediterranean,

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which found one of its coolest expressions
during the Hadrianic period.

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Its design brought together ideas,
knowledge, traits, materials, and styles

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of different origins, combining
documented Greek and

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Egyptian features with
Roman forms and expressions.

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In this sense, Italica was the product of
the profound cultural connections across

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the empire that were the hallmark of the
Roman world during the second century.

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A design with deeply
Eastern roots, conceived and

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built at the very opposite
end of the Mediterranean.

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Architecture, construction techniques,
and materials, religious practices,

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and urban forms thus converge in a single
coherent imperial venture, providing an

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outstanding expression of Rome's capacity
to incorporate and combine different

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cultural traditions and the
auspices of Hadrian and the

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new imperial elite that
had risen to power with him.

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This imperial combination of elements from
across the Mediterranean, which was never

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an innocent one, also
shaped the kinds of

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divine encounters that
took place in Italica.

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Tracing this process in its entirety would
be difficult.

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We shall therefore focus on two issues
that, in our view, can be particularly

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well understood through the lens of the
ceremonial city.

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First, the fascinating
combination of divine powers

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that came together in
the so-called triuneum.

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And secondly, the significant presence of
Egyptian elements in the city,

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particularly the goddess Isis.

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At the highest point of Hadrian's new
city, stood its principal architectural

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landmark, a monumental sacred complex
covering more than 11,000 square meters.

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At its center rose a colossal
perimeter, a cathedral and an

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octagonal temple built on a
podium and oriented toward the vetis.

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The abundant use of marble, even for its
roof and its commanding scenographic

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position, made it visible
from afar, particularly from

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the river, almost as a beacon
overlooking the new city.

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The sanctuary was directly connected by a
processional avenue with the amphitheater,

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which played a determining role in the
organization of the Hadrianic urban expansion.

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Around the temple extended a large
portico, squared, articulated by

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semicircular and rectangular et cetera,
providing additional spaces for cult

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images alongside those housed in the
temple's cellar.

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What interests us most here,
however, is the concentration

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of divine powers within
this monumental setting.

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The epigraphic evidence documents a
remarkable, diverse divine presence.

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The genius of the colony, Apollo Augustus,
Jupiter, Victoria Augusta, Isis Domina,

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Ceres, Juno Regina, to these traditional
gods, all probably represented with,

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we know of them through
priesthoods, also images, all

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this information is gathered
in the epigraphical record.

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To these traditional gods, we can add also
the imperial gods, the Divi, the Augusti,

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Hadrian we know for sure, Divus Traius,
Traianus, probably Divus Augustus too.

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So many different gods, both traditional
and imperial.

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The sculptural evidence may
add yet another dimension

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to this remarkable
concentration of divine powers.

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Three different colossus, colossal statues
are attested by the surviving fragments.

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Although their identification remains
uncertain.

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We have one forearm, measuring more than a
metre and a half, the palm of another

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colossal statue, and
then the biggest one,

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which is the fingertip
of 30 metres of size.

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It has been suggested that they may have
represented Jupiter, Trajan, Hadrian,

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following a divine
dynastic association

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effected elsewhere, for
instance, at Pergamon.

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If so, their colossal presence would have
provided a particularly powerful visual

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expression of the meeting of traditional
and imperial gods within the sanctuary.

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Beyond this colossi, the picture may have
been even richer.

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Some scholars have suggested that a number
of divine statues later found in the

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monumental area of the Cerro de San
Antonio, closer to the theatre,

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in the picture, in the image, may
originally have belonged to the Trajaneum

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and been transferred there after its
abandonment early in late antiquity.

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Be that as it may, the statues included
representations of Diana, Mercury and

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Venus, other imperial statues,
Alexander the Great, If some of these

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images originally stood in the Trajaneum,
they would add another dimension to the

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already remarkable concentration of divine
powers attested here.

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Thus, whatever the precise identity of the
temple's tutelary deity or deities,

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the available evidence does not allow us
to be more precise about it, the Trajaneum

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emerged as an extraordinary setting for
the kind of divine meetings discussed

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here, a sacred space in which traditional
gods, imperial gods, and other divine

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powers could be brought together within a
single monumental and religious program.

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One

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of the goddesses
included in the religious

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program of the so-called
Trajaneum was Isis.

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The presence of Isis at Italica was not
what one would call unexpected.

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Egyptian gods were worshipped in many
cities throughout the empire, although we

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do not know to what extent this was the
case in Hispania, where so far,

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only a few temples, such as the one at
Paello Claudia, in Cádiz, a sanctuary

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dedicated to Serapis at Emporium,
the northeast of Spain, and perhaps a

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Serapeum at Carthago Nova, and that's all
for the time being.

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But the reasons that
might explain her presence

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at Italica were not exactly
the same as elsewhere.

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In our view, the place occupied by Isis in
the sacred topography of Italica,

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may have been directly
connected with Hadrian's

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ideological program and
with the new ceremonial city.

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The presence of Egyptian gods at Italica,
in fact, was not limited to the small head

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that we saw Vivian Modesta offer in the
imperial cult temple.

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The new Italica accommodated an entire
series of Egyptian or Egyptianizing elements.

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For instance, Egyptianizing mosaics,
Egyptian statuettes, lamps, representing

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different members of the Gens Isiaca, and
a fountain, probably representing the Nile.

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From the Flavian period onwards,
and decisively under Hadrian, the city

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acquired a certain Egyptian touch,
so to speak, which by then probably formed

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part of the broader appearance of
Romanitas throughout the Mediterranean.

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The presence of Egyptian
elements in very different

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urban contexts went far
beyond a taste for exoticism.

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The gradual integration of the empire,
particularly encouraged at moments such as

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the reign of Hadrian, was based,
among other things, on the normalization

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of the use of elements originating in
diverse cultural contexts.

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The spread of Egyptian culture achieved
unprecedented success during Hadrian's reign.

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The emperor's reign saw
an extraordinary proliferation

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of Isiac sanctuaries
throughout the Mediterranean.

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And here you have a list of what could be
considered Isiac sanctuaries.

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Even more interesting
was the special

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relationship between
Hadrian and the god Serapis.

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Under the epithet, Sius Serapis,
or better still, Sius Helios Megas

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Serapis, an innovation of the Trojanic
period that spread widely under Hadrian.

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The emperor and his immediate circle,
but above all, the economic and cultural

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networks activated as a result of
Hadrianic policies, helped to explain the

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growing presence of Egyptian elements in
the cities of the empire.

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It was therefore hardly
surprising that Italica should have

00:18:56.616 --> 00:19:00.420
reflected the spirit of the
times with particular fidelity.

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But there is more.

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We should not forget that the construction
of the ceremonial city made Italica a

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destination for spectacular shipments of
stone, many of them coming directly from

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the quarries of Egypt's eastern
desert, where coincidentally

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at least three Aesiac centuries
were founded in Hadrian's time.

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Among other materials, Egypt supplied the
porphyry marble that added the color red

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to Hadrian's multicolored buildings in
Italica.

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It is also likely that the numerous ships
transporting these precious cargoes

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brought also people from the Nile region
to Italica.

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Indeed, we know of
one specific case, at least

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one, illustrating the
mobility of Hadrian's agents.

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A certain Epaphroditus was an imperial
slave responsible for managing the

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imperial quarries in the eastern desert of
Egypt.

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And there he dedicated
two temples of Serapis to

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the greater glory of Hadrian
between 117 and 119 AD.

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Here you have the two dedications.

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Interestingly, at an unspecified point in
the second century, a man, also named

00:20:30.421 --> 00:20:36.920
Epaphroditus, offered an altar to Jupiter
Serapis in the city of Ostia in Italy.

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The port of Ostia, where there was already
a serapeum that was dedicated on Hadrian's

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Dies Natalis, was one of the ports of
arrival for the Egyptian fleet and it was

00:20:50.621 --> 00:20:55.740
also one of the places through which the
abundant supply of building materials

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required for Hadrian's impressive building
programs entered Italy.

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Although it is impossible to prove,
it is very tempting to identify the

00:21:07.661 --> 00:21:14.400
Epaphroditus at Egypt with the one at
Ostia and to imagine that he or others

00:21:14.624 --> 00:21:19.400
like him may also have accompanied
Egyptian materials all the way to Italica,

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one of Hadrian's most ambitious projects.

00:21:23.719 --> 00:21:29.460
Be that as it may, in the vicinity of the
port of Italica, one of the most important

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pieces of evidence for Egyptian cults in
Hispania has recently come to light.

00:21:35.989 --> 00:21:42.180
A sanctuary situated in the porticus post
Skaenum of the Theatre of Italica.

00:21:43.074 --> 00:21:50.120
The sanctuary was presumably dedicated at
least to Isis, judging from four inscribed

00:21:50.121 --> 00:21:54.476
marble slabs that were found
directly in front of the podium

00:21:54.477 --> 00:21:58.280
of the tetrastyle temple that
presided over the sanctuary.

00:21:59.814 --> 00:22:06.180
What at first appeared to be no more than
a modest little temple set into the

00:22:06.181 --> 00:22:12.940
portico of the theatre has proved to be a
veritable sanctuary dedicated to the

00:22:12.941 --> 00:22:20.640
goddess of the Nile, comprising a temple
of considerable dimensions, a rectangular

00:22:20.641 --> 00:22:23.633
basin in the middle of the
courtyard, aligned with the

00:22:23.634 --> 00:22:29.220
main entrance to the temple,
a crypt, a focus and an altar.

00:22:30.849 --> 00:22:33.612
In our opinion, the
particular location of

00:22:33.613 --> 00:22:36.320
the temple of Isis
deserves further attention.

00:22:37.739 --> 00:22:42.400
Some other Aesiac sanctuaries were located
in the vicinity of theatres too,

00:22:43.149 --> 00:22:47.760
but only the temple at Italica was
situated in the porticus post Skaenum.

00:22:47.761 --> 00:22:52.440
This type of porticus was quite common in
theatres.

00:22:52.849 --> 00:22:57.680
They were used mainly as meeting places
before, during or after performances.

00:22:58.849 --> 00:23:03.720
As such, they provided a perfect setting
for displaying the power of local events.

00:23:05.099 --> 00:23:09.411
But porticus were also
frequently used for ritual purposes,

00:23:09.412 --> 00:23:12.100
particularly in connection
with the imperial cult.

00:23:13.309 --> 00:23:18.300
The special bond between Havian and the
Egyptian cults together with the

00:23:18.301 --> 00:23:23.600
increasingly frequent association between
the emperors and gods such as Isis and

00:23:23.601 --> 00:23:30.220
Serapis who came to form part of imperial
ideology may have played a role in the

00:23:30.221 --> 00:23:34.440
location of the sanctuary of Isis in such
a prominent urban setting.

00:23:35.799 --> 00:23:41.140
It is possible that the local elites
approved of and some of them even financed

00:23:41.464 --> 00:23:47.220
the new sanctuary of Isis as a form of
energetic action that was perfectly

00:23:47.221 --> 00:23:50.935
consistent with imperial
interests but also with the

00:23:50.936 --> 00:23:54.720
position occupied by the
Egyptian gods within Roman culture.

00:23:56.389 --> 00:24:01.800
If this was indeed the case, indeed the
case, the porticus of the theatre would

00:24:01.801 --> 00:24:04.916
have become yet another
place where interesting

00:24:04.917 --> 00:24:07.460
divine encounters
took place at Italica.

00:24:08.539 --> 00:24:13.520
It is not difficult to imagine that the
sanctuary of Isis was one of the ritual

00:24:13.521 --> 00:24:18.720
stops along the processions that made
their way from the city's main temple,

00:24:19.169 --> 00:24:25.900
the so-called Trianeum, to the theatre
where the emperors were habitually honoured.

00:24:26.919 --> 00:24:32.180
The statues housed in the Trianeum
undoubtedly portraits of the emperors but

00:24:33.180 --> 00:24:41.180
also Victoria, Juno, Ceres, Isis herself
and surely other gods would have proceeded

00:24:41.181 --> 00:24:46.980
in processions and encountered Isis in her
own home before entering the theatre.

00:24:47.849 --> 00:24:50.998
Italica does witness
a distinctive series of

00:24:50.999 --> 00:24:54.360
divine encounters between
equally distinctive gods.

00:24:55.949 --> 00:25:02.200
This selection of divine powers was
certainly not an innocent one nor was it

00:25:02.399 --> 00:25:06.240
exactly what one would find in any
imperial city.

00:25:07.299 --> 00:25:11.780
Behind it we can recognise the powerful
hand and agency of Hadrian.

00:25:12.799 --> 00:25:17.380
The construction of Hadrian's ceremonial
city decisively shaped the religious

00:25:17.381 --> 00:25:23.060
landscape of the new Italica alongside of
course the individual agency of local

00:25:23.061 --> 00:25:26.620
notables who contributed their own
dedications and choices.

00:25:27.859 --> 00:25:32.820
The divine meetings that took place in the
Traianeum and in the sanctuary of Isis

00:25:33.219 --> 00:25:37.002
were thus the product of the
interaction between imperial

00:25:37.003 --> 00:25:40.440
agency and the actions of
other individual religious actors.

00:25:40.700 --> 00:25:41.700
Thank you.

00:25:47.759 --> 00:25:48.780
Thank you very much.

00:25:51.039 --> 00:25:57.060
Is there any question, short question at
the beginning of this part?

00:26:02.880 --> 00:26:03.880
Here please.

00:26:05.600 --> 00:26:06.600
Yeah, very interesting.

00:26:08.619 --> 00:26:12.748
I was thinking about
that inscription the health

00:26:12.749 --> 00:26:15.560
and salvation of
Hadrian the great traitor.

00:26:17.269 --> 00:26:20.400
And but what was salvation of Hadrian?

00:26:21.080 --> 00:26:22.080
What was what?

00:26:22.250 --> 00:26:23.300
Salvation of Hadrian.

00:26:24.599 --> 00:26:26.380
You mean let's move back.

00:26:28.719 --> 00:26:31.500
You mean you mean not this way?

00:26:33.980 --> 00:26:35.160
Sorry, sorry, sorry.

00:26:38.299 --> 00:26:40.300
Can you move around a little No.

00:26:41.120 --> 00:26:42.140
Can you go back?

00:26:42.420 --> 00:26:43.420
Back?

00:26:44.159 --> 00:26:51.240
You mean I mean salvation is that for the
health and salvation of Hadrian?

00:26:53.560 --> 00:26:54.560
What do you mean?

00:26:55.529 --> 00:27:00.900
Well, I mean, obviously, in our context of
salvation as a kind of Christian patient,

00:27:01.100 --> 00:27:04.100
obviously, but what would that have meant
then?

00:27:04.399 --> 00:27:05.719
They didn't have the same answer.

00:27:06.509 --> 00:27:13.980
Well, it's the Greek Soteria, you know,
that was very used in most of all in

00:27:15.624 --> 00:27:23.600
mysterious contexts from Archaic Greece
and Eleusis to pre-Christian and Christian

00:27:24.779 --> 00:27:32.380
times calls such as Serapis, Isis,
Cybele, and and it means what it means.

00:27:32.480 --> 00:27:36.520
We have a special Soteria here,
but what does salvation mean?

00:27:39.499 --> 00:27:44.921
Salvation means that the
God is granting your life after

00:27:44.922 --> 00:27:50.560
death, but also also your
happiness here in this in Earth.

00:27:51.865 --> 00:27:53.000
Maybe, no?

00:27:53.080 --> 00:27:53.956
More or less.

00:27:53.980 --> 00:27:54.645
Yeah.

00:27:54.669 --> 00:27:57.580
Happiness here and in the life after
death.

00:27:57.920 --> 00:27:58.920
Thank you.

00:27:59.080 --> 00:28:05.080
As you probably know, it's a long
discussion on Earth.

00:28:05.540 --> 00:28:11.780
And the thing is that in the last years
have been a very, very strong current

00:28:12.104 --> 00:28:17.260
against the idea of transcendent
salvation.

00:28:18.649 --> 00:28:26.600
And they want they want to put this
Soteria in the real world.

00:28:27.729 --> 00:28:32.660
But the thing is that we have,
that this is my opinion, and it is just a

00:28:35.500 --> 00:28:43.500
partial view, that we have enough
information concerning the possibility of

00:28:43.749 --> 00:28:49.880
using salvation Soteria in both senses.

00:28:50.669 --> 00:28:57.160
Not only the contingent world,
but also when we read in Metamorphosis

00:28:58.000 --> 00:29:03.191
Napoleus that when you
arrive to the soil of Prosertina

00:29:03.192 --> 00:29:08.460
and then it will offer
you a better life after all.

00:29:10.560 --> 00:29:15.072
And so it is not the
only example but so long

00:29:15.073 --> 00:29:19.280
discussion everyone can
feel whatever they want.

00:29:20.629 --> 00:29:21.640
Yeah, there was

00:29:27.509 --> 00:29:29.540
another have a sign correct.

00:29:29.859 --> 00:29:33.860
There is a pool, a basin in the temple,
in the temple.

00:29:35.119 --> 00:29:38.060
And it's this one.

00:29:42.064 --> 00:29:44.740
No, this is not in the triangle.

00:29:44.960 --> 00:29:45.960
in the triangle.

00:29:48.609 --> 00:29:53.220
Are they a common feature in
Roman temples this age or they

00:29:53.221 --> 00:29:57.160
could be connected to the
present of Isis in both sides?

00:29:58.840 --> 00:30:06.840
In Roman temples in general the Iberian
period is quite common to have water.

00:30:07.944 --> 00:30:10.680
The temple of peace in Rome brings that.

00:30:10.760 --> 00:30:15.280
And in the Iberian peninsula is
extraordinarily common.

00:30:15.734 --> 00:30:19.453
The only problem is that
usually it has not been excavated

00:30:19.454 --> 00:30:22.000
correctly and it has not
been recorded correctly.

00:30:22.609 --> 00:30:27.360
But there are many, many, many of this
type of construction.

00:30:27.500 --> 00:30:32.580
The one in the Trianeum is quite big,
but there are many like in Ethica they

00:30:32.581 --> 00:30:39.860
have also fountains and sometimes it is an
estanque but it's very common.

00:30:40.480 --> 00:30:48.480
And it should not be necessarily related
to a specific divinity but it is a sacred

00:30:48.481 --> 00:30:53.720
water supply that is used also it has also
a practical use.

00:30:54.764 --> 00:31:01.940
But your question is very interesting
because if I may when we see the just a

00:31:04.720 --> 00:31:12.720
minute the sorry here no not here as you
see the the pond here

00:31:18.480 --> 00:31:25.460
but in what you suggest or might suggest
is that maybe Isis brought the necessity

00:31:26.280 --> 00:31:34.280
of having water and here in the Isis
temple there is a crypt which has water

00:31:34.281 --> 00:31:38.940
all the year long because it has phreatic
waters under

00:31:49.780 --> 00:31:57.780
So, probably we think that the water
needed for ISIS cult was not from the

00:31:57.781 --> 00:32:02.620
pool, but from the crypt, which had water
all the year.

00:32:03.219 --> 00:32:05.120
Anyway, just to clarify.

00:32:05.400 --> 00:32:06.400
Thank you.

00:32:10.200 --> 00:32:11.240
Thank you.

00:32:11.280 --> 00:32:14.980
I much enjoyed when you were talking about
the amalgamation of different traditions

00:32:14.981 --> 00:32:18.220
and the idea of adding a Syrian and
Egyptian touch.

00:32:18.899 --> 00:32:21.900
And I wanted to ask, especially from
drawing from the king of the formula,

00:32:22.559 --> 00:32:25.640
and the fact that, for instance,
you have a multiplication of Zuls and

00:32:25.640 --> 00:32:30.460
Egistus in pan-Roman contexts,
how much we can say about this soteria as

00:32:30.609 --> 00:32:35.960
a calco from proselyte imperial
dedications that are extensively formed?

00:32:36.829 --> 00:32:41.120
Because in some funerary traditions,
for instance, you have the expansion of

00:32:41.121 --> 00:32:45.060
sandrine in Latin speaking, for instance,
in Sicily, that they are a calco from

00:32:45.060 --> 00:32:49.600
Jaire, which is a Greek tradition,
and conversely, the Catastonian steloids

00:32:49.601 --> 00:32:52.220
appear more in Roman times than in Greek
times.

00:32:52.834 --> 00:32:56.800
Can we use this soteria as an expression
of the agharization of tradition without

00:32:56.801 --> 00:32:59.382
losing the original
meaning, having employed a

00:32:59.432 --> 00:33:01.960
calco of the Roman-Latin
formula for imperial pride?

00:33:03.749 --> 00:33:05.960
The description again, which is this one.

00:33:11.319 --> 00:33:12.320
I would say yes.

00:33:12.789 --> 00:33:16.140
And in any case, these are inscriptions
from Egypt.

00:33:16.744 --> 00:33:21.680
Not exactly... so these are not
inscriptions from Italica.

00:33:22.219 --> 00:33:27.140
So I would say the presence of this
inscription is in Greek.

00:33:27.395 --> 00:33:28.395
So...

00:33:28.880 --> 00:33:31.440
It's a bit separated from the main roots.

00:33:31.989 --> 00:33:34.900
It's more related with the Roman art
there.

00:33:35.539 --> 00:33:36.899
There is a vision from everywhere.

00:33:37.715 --> 00:33:39.376
There is a connection with Veranite and
Harvard.

00:33:39.400 --> 00:33:40.400
Absolutely.

00:33:41.014 --> 00:33:42.560
But the inscription is in Greek.

00:33:42.920 --> 00:33:48.100
And so I don't think that this is a
translation in the sense that you were

00:33:48.249 --> 00:33:49.249
suggesting.

00:33:49.679 --> 00:33:53.080
If we found the prosalute... I don't know.

00:33:53.260 --> 00:33:54.420
This is a very good question.

00:33:54.600 --> 00:33:55.960
I have never thought about that.

00:33:56.115 --> 00:33:58.240
I think it's a very good question.

00:33:58.400 --> 00:34:06.040
And also, I think not today, but not in
the past and not even today, when they

00:34:06.041 --> 00:34:13.860
create this formula, even though they are
the same, I think that there is a local

00:34:13.861 --> 00:34:17.980
context to them and an individual context
to them.

00:34:18.120 --> 00:34:24.280
They are not completely... they don't have
an exact meaning when they use it.

00:34:25.120 --> 00:34:31.900
And also, with the complexity of what we
call the imperial code, the emperor is

00:34:33.360 --> 00:34:38.403
both a recipient, a
recipient of health sacrifices

00:34:38.404 --> 00:34:43.020
for his health and for
the soteria of the emperor.

00:34:44.560 --> 00:34:48.800
And here we usually follow the
interpretation of Evan Friedrich that the

00:34:51.260 --> 00:34:55.487
king and the emperor,
his health means the

00:34:55.488 --> 00:34:59.300
stability and health of
the empire as a whole.

00:35:00.480 --> 00:35:00.976
Prosalute.

00:35:01.000 --> 00:35:02.120
That is clearly prosalute.

00:35:02.540 --> 00:35:07.722
But then at the same time,
the emperor can be the

00:35:07.723 --> 00:35:11.720
donor and the giver of
soteria himself and health.

00:35:12.145 --> 00:35:16.300
And we know many, like in Greece,
the soter and founder.

00:35:16.930 --> 00:35:21.720
So I think it's a very complex issue.

00:35:22.395 --> 00:35:26.220
The question you raised is a very
interesting one.

00:35:26.380 --> 00:35:31.700
But I think that there is what we could
say a mantra.

00:35:31.701 --> 00:35:37.260
For the salute, for the health of the
emperor throughout the empire.

00:35:37.480 --> 00:35:38.900
And this is what we have here.

00:35:39.860 --> 00:35:44.500
But what you say is very interesting,
because I really don't know if the

00:35:44.501 --> 00:35:48.100
prosalute inscriptions are later than
the...

00:35:49.335 --> 00:35:51.560
for the salvation in Greek.

00:35:52.320 --> 00:35:53.360
That's the case.

00:35:53.520 --> 00:35:54.520
But...

00:35:55.760 --> 00:35:56.760
That's fine.

00:35:57.055 --> 00:36:01.520
They come from Hellenistic times, so they
are necessarily previous to the prosalute.

00:36:01.521 --> 00:36:04.820
This is the multiplication in the sailing
context.

00:36:05.070 --> 00:36:06.720
Like the mantra idea of repeating it.

00:36:06.890 --> 00:36:10.720
But perhaps thanks to the fruition of the
imperial habit.

00:36:11.680 --> 00:36:18.220
But the problem is that the word has
different meanings depending on the use of it.

00:36:20.740 --> 00:36:28.740
And it is completely different when you
found the same word in a phrase like

00:36:29.190 --> 00:36:30.440
prosalute.

00:36:31.770 --> 00:36:35.920
And the meaning has not to be probably
with other uses.

00:36:36.060 --> 00:36:38.080
For instance, in literature.

00:36:39.460 --> 00:36:45.549
And then that's the reason
why, at the same time,

00:36:45.550 --> 00:36:48.900
the meaning has different
ways of interpretation.

00:36:49.020 --> 00:36:52.000
By the user and by the reader.

00:36:54.195 --> 00:37:01.320
But not when it is a fixed phrase like the
prosalute.

00:37:01.321 --> 00:37:04.300
It is quite common for everyone,
the meaning of it.

00:37:04.520 --> 00:37:07.600
And there is no problem to interpret it.

00:37:16.250 --> 00:37:17.840
If there are no more questions...

00:37:18.140 --> 00:37:19.180
I hope not.

00:37:19.560 --> 00:37:21.060
Because I'm really hungry.

00:37:21.300 --> 00:37:23.900
We are running a little bit out of time.

00:37:24.490 --> 00:37:28.180
So maybe it's better for a debate session
of this evening.

00:37:28.400 --> 00:37:31.860
So thanks so much, Fernando and Elena,
for this great conversation.